By Mark Brown, John Pratt
This hugely arguable new booklet considers how the harmful criminal has develop into the sort of determine of collective nervousness for the electorate of rationalised Western societies. The authors consider:
* principles of possibility and social possibility in ancient perspective
* criminal responses to violent criminals
* makes an attempt to foretell risky behaviour
* why specific teams, corresponding to ladies, stay in danger from violent crime.
This encouraged assortment invitations us to reconsider the acquired knowledge on harmful offenders, and can be of curiosity to scholars and students within the fields of criminology and the sociology of threat.
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Extra resources for Dangerous Offenders: Punishment and Social Order
What kind of crimes had they committed and what other qualities might they possess? What is clear is that at this time those who tended to be regarded as dangerous (they would also be often referred to as ‘habitual’ or ‘professional’ criminals – the terms seem to have been interchangeable at this time, see Radzinowicz and Hood 1986) were likely to consist in the main of small-time recidivist property offenders who may often, as well, have displayed habits of vagrancy, itinerancy, have used aliases and have been well versed in the art of disguise.
For neo-conservatives, the state, in particular in its role as the preserver of order and the governor of the nation is the privileged symbol of political rule, and allegiance to the state has little or nothing to do with neo-liberal ‘charters’ and ‘partnerships’ formed between states and their subjects. This strong assertion of state sovereignty in turn privileges law, morality and order as crucial, more so than the market and the individual. Thus for neo-conservatives, ‘the law may not only control contract and crime, but may also regulate family relationships, personal morality and so on.
Consistent with this, the emerging law did not protect profits that could not have been foreseen by the contracting parties (Wrightman 1996). Having its origins in parliamentary support for working men’s fraternal life insurance schemes from about 1800, this grew into such pervasive institutions as industrial life insurance (characterised by the regular, door to door collection of ‘penny premiums’). By the latter part of the century, it is estimated that three quarters of English working-class households were covered by such policies.