By Karin Friedrich, Barbara Pendzich
This quantity seeks to handle the doubts harboured by means of the West concerning the skill of East critical eu states to construct glossy democracies and tolerant societies after the growth of the eu Union eastwards. The culture of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth is thereby frequently missed in favour of the nationalist romanticism and xenophobia of the 19th and early 20th century, which arose from the categorical context of the walls of 1772-95. but citizenship in a multinational context was once a crucial topic of the political debate in early smooth Poland-Lithuania. for lots of modern non secular and nationwide conflicts, this Commonwealth can't be an immediate version for imitation, yet could function a resource of idea end result of the inventive ideas and compromises it negotiated whereas integrating many religions and ethnicities. individuals are James B. Collins, Karin Friedrich, Gershon David Hundert, Joanna Kostylo, Krzysztof Lazarski, Allan I. Macinnes, Barbara M. Pendzich, Felicia Roşu, Barbara Skinner, and Artūras Vasiliauskas.
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Extra resources for Citizenship and Identity in a Multinational Commonwealth: Poland-lithuania in Context, 1550-1772 (Studies in Central European Histories)
The articles in this collection are not aimed at a new interpretation of monarchy but rather at the important relationship between power, including monarchic power, and the practical role of the citizen. As Andrzej Kamiński has argued in so many of his writings, the practice of citizenship often looked more complex in political reality than the theoretical definition of the citizen suggested. Early modern Polish political culture proves that the creation of civic traditions and civil society—społeczeństwo obywatelskie 25—and the rule of law as preconditions for liberty to flourish was not an invention of nineteenth-century liberalism.
It was not only the Polish nobility introduction 15 who defended their common home. The Polish Antemurale might have become the rhetorical monopoly of the nobility, but in reality, the men of the Commonwealth included everybody who identified with the procedures which “guaranteed self-government in their palatinates, districts, and towns”31; whether they were Poles, Jews, Prussians, Ruthenians, Lithuanians, Armenians, nobles, burghers, craftsmen and peasants, or Orthodox, Uniates, Lutherans, Arians and Calvinists.
12 Vassals owed specific services, usually of a military nature, which defined their status, whereas subditi were subjects in almost all aspects of life, even though their service obligations were by no means unlimited. In Poland–Lithuania and elsewhere in Europe, lord-vassal relationships formed the basis and justification of territorial, economic and political power. Vassals could also be cives, citizens, after the example of the territorial princes in the Holy Roman Empire. 13 What Klaus Zernack once called the “east-central European Libertasculture”14 produced a consensus-based system, which has recently—not least due to the political changes since 1989—undergone considerable 10 Gotofredi Zameli Elbingensis Studiosus Apodemicus sive de peregrationibus studiosorum Discursus Politicus (Lugdunum Batavorum [ Leiden], 1651), 9: “summam illam civilis prudentiae perfectionem adipiscetur, & cum laude ac fructu ad Reipublicae gubernacula sedebit, si ad extera loca se diffuderit .